04

更好地规划中阶城市的可持续发展有助于 国家发展和实现可持续发展目标

根据发展战略确定的优先事项，应对这些挑战政府 应该采取大胆的行动。55 个非洲国家的战略必然有所不 同。虽然前文确定的同一群体的国家具有某些相同的特 征，但每个战略仍然是基于地点和国家的。实施这些新 的城镇化战略需要在地方、国家、地区、大陆和全球层 面进行全力协调，还包括与中国等全球合作伙伴进行协 调。需要采取很多行动，但这不在本文的讨论范围内①。

① 关于不同措施和优先事项的概述，请参阅 ：AfDB/OECD/UNDP，2016，第 8 章。

在众多需要采取的行动中，各国至少可以进行两个主要步骤：实施城镇化战略，发挥中阶城市的作用； 实施多层次治理改革，更有效地落实政策。这些战略符合“2063 年议程”的目标和可持续发展目标，特别是针对可持续城市的“可持续发展目标11”。 政策监 督、评估和重新制定对评定进展至关重要。

多少非洲国家有城镇化战略，中阶城市在其中承 担何种作用？

04

Better planning the growth of sustainable intermediary cities will contribute to national development and achieving the SDGs

Tackling these challenges calls for bold action by governments, according to priorities defined by development strategies. Strategies will necessarily differ among the 55 African countries. They will be placebased and country specific, although countries from the same cluster groups identified earlier share certain characteristics. Implementing these new urbanisation strategies requires strong co-ordination at the local, national, regional, continental, and global levels, including with global partners such as China. Many actions will have to be taken, which cannot be discussed in the scope of this article. ①

For an overview of different actions and priorities, see: AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016, chapter 8.

Among the many actions needed, countries can take at least two main steps: implement urbanisation strategies that strengthen the role of intermediary cities, and carry out multi-level governance reforms to implement policies more effectively. These strategies may be aligned to the objectives of Agenda 2063 and to the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 11 on sustainable cities. Policy monitoring, evaluation and re-formulation will be critical to assess progress.

How many African countries have urbanisation strategies and what roles have intermediary cities therein?

4.1

一些非洲国家的发展战略以中阶城市的发展为目标

预计到2030年非洲2/3的城市人口增长会发生在人口不足50万的城市中，因此规划中阶城市的发展对于任何国家城市战略都至关重要。然而，根据2016年的研究，只有16个非洲国家实施了国家城镇化战略 ： 阿尔及利亚、贝宁、布基纳法索、科特迪瓦、埃塞俄比亚、 加蓬、加纳、马拉维、马里、摩洛哥、尼日尔、卢旺达、 塞内加尔、南非、斯威士兰和乌干达②。

② 关于这些战略如何被实施的概述，请参阅 ：AfDB/OECD/UNDP（2016）

在国家城镇化战略的背景下，只有不到10个国家在推动中阶城市的发展，以此作为进一步可持续城镇化的载体。

• 布基纳法索制定了《中等规模城市发展计划》， 旨在深化城乡联系，促进大城市更平衡地发展。但是， 这一战略缺乏资金并且尚未完全实施。

• 埃塞俄比亚将中阶城市确定为国家经济计划的 主要参与者 ：目前有16个居民人数少于50万人的城 市中心区得到了专门支持以发展制造业和旅游业，而 德雷达瓦区得到了特殊的行政管理地位（Abeje, 2015）。

• 加纳的国家城市政策跨越了 2012—2030 年的时间范畴。旨在促进均衡的城市增长和农村联系，特别是借 助中阶城市的发展。该战略与国际机构一同实施，但与国 家发展战略的联系比较薄弱。

• 马里的国家城市政策（“ 国家政治论坛”） 以加强中 阶城市的作用和发展城乡联系为基础。

• 马达加斯加为城市增长极采取了多部门战略，投资 于道路和供水系统、职业培训、高等教育、服务提供和 能力建设。已经创造了13 000 个新的正式工作岗位，大 多设在诺西贝和托拉纳罗的城市中（Speakman & Koivisto, 2013: 97）。

• 摩洛哥在丹吉尔和梅克内斯等中阶城市中进行投 资，发展旅游业和工业部门。与此同时，随着国家政府新 的区域计划（“ 合作领土”） 进一步扩大权力下放的限度， 并将更大的区域发展方式扩展到卡萨布兰卡周边城市，如 西迪斯利马尼、贝尼梅拉勒和凯尼特拉，卡萨布兰卡的大 都市区已经进一步扩大。

• 卢旺达正在投资中阶城市，以应对从170 万 ~ 490 万的快速人口增长。该计划侧重于六个中阶城市—— 胡耶（Huye）、 穆航加（Muhanga）、 穆桑泽（Musanze）、 尼亚卡塔莱（Nyagatare）、 鲁巴伍（Rubavu）和鲁西西 （Rusizi）——的经济发展和公共服务获取的改善。以农 业加工和低技术制造为特色的四个省级工业区（布格塞拉 [Bugesera]、胡耶 [Huye]、尼亚比胡 [Nyabihu] 和鲁西西）旨 在加强农村与城市的经济联系并增加农村地区的经济发展 机会。卢旺达的“国家城镇化政策框架”旨在 ：第一，在 各级管理中以协调一致的方式加强机构管理城市发展的能 力 ；第二，整合城市规划和管理，以实现资源节约型和紧 凑型增长；第三，促进就业机会的创造、加强非农业生产力， 以保障当地生存力并提升地区竞争力。这一政策框架吻合 经济发展和转型战略 5 年的周期。

• 塞内加尔《市政支持计划》（ Programme d’Appui aux Communes）确定了小型和中等城镇。在法国开发署（AFD: Agence Française de Développement）的支持下，在全国范 围内实施了 450 个城市项目。该计划旨在 ：培养能力并开 发法律工具，发展城市合同、基础设施和投资。

• 南非一直致力于通过另外一种不同的作用于城市融 资、规划和支持这些中阶城市的方法，使这些城市的作用 合理化。因此，对中阶城市的分类仍然与对其的不同政策 支持相关，仍然是一个挑战，然而过去20 年来的许多尝 试不仅关注城市规模，而且关注中阶城市分类功能（South African Cities Network, 2014; AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016: 238）。

制定国家城镇化战略对于指导发展具有重要意义，但这还远远不够。战略必须得到有效地实施、监督和评 估。国家城镇化战略需要与国家长期发展战略结合在 一起，其决策与实施需要包括地方行为体的参与、尤 其是那些非官方的。战略必须得到足够的资金支持， 为了实现2063 年议程目标和实现可持续发展目标， 特别是有关于可持续发展城市及其相关目标和指标的 “可持续发展目标11”， 战略必须得到充足的资金支 撑、需要被监测、评估和重新制定。 如果没有一个综 合的、基于场所的方法，城镇化战略就会孤立地进行。 国家各部委之间以及不同级别的政府之间缺乏必要的 协同作用的话，各部门就会出现相互不协调的政策。

4.1

Several African countries target the development of intermediary cities in their development strategies

Since two-thirds of the growth in Africa’s urban population by 2030 is expected to take place in cities of less than 500 000 inhabitants, planning for the growth of intermediary cities is essential for any national urban strategy. However, according to research done in 2016, only 16 African countries had a national urbanisation strategy: Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Malawi, Mali, Morocco, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Swaziland and Uganda ②.

② For an overview of how these strategies are implemented, see: AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016.

Less than 10 countries are promoting the development of intermediary cities as a vehicle for more sustainable urbanisation, generally in the context of their national urbanisation strategies:

• Burkina Faso has developed a programme for the development of middle-sized cities (“Programme de Développement des Villes Moyennes”), which aims to deepen rural-urban linkages and foster a more balanced growth of big cities. However, this strategy lacks financing and has not been completely carried out.

• Ethiopia has identified intermediary cities as key actors of its national economic plan: 16 urban centres of less than 500 000 inhabitants now receive targeted support to develop manufacturing and tourism while Diré Dawa has a special administration status (Abeje, 2015).

• Ghana’s National Urban Policy spans a time frame from 2012-30. It aims to foster balanced urban growth and rural linkages, notably through the growth of intermediary cities. The strategy is implemented with international agencies, but has weak links with the national development strategy.

• Mali’s National City Policy (“Politique Nationale de la Ville”) is based on the strengthening the role of intermediary cities and on developing rural-urban linkages.

• Madagascar has adopted a multi-sectoral strategy for urban growth poles, investing in roads and water supply, as well as in vocational training, higher education, service delivery and capacity building. This has created 13 000 new formal jobs, mainly in the cities of Nosy Be and Tolanaro (Speakman and Koivisto, 2013: 97). ● Morocco has invested in intermediary cities like Tangier and Meknès by developing tourism and the industrial sector. At the same time, as the national government’s new regional plan (“découpage territorial”) extends further decentralisation and greater means for regional development to cities within Casablanca’s periphery, such as Sidi Slimane, Beni Mellal and Khenitra, the metropolis of Casablanca has been extended further. ● Rwanda is investing in intermediary cities to respond to rapid population growth from 1.7 million to 4.9 million. The plan focuses on the economic development and improving access to public services in six intermediary cities: Huye, Muhanga, Musanze, Nyagatare, Rubavu and Rusizi. Four provincial industrial zones which specialise in agro-processing and low-skill manufacturing (Bugesera, Huye, Nyabihu and Rusizi) aim to strengthen rural-urban economic linkages and increase economic opportunities in rural areas. Rwanda’s National Urbanisation Policy Framework aims to: 1/ Enhance institutional capacities to manage urban development in a coordinated manner at all levels of governance; 2/ Integrate urban planning and management in order to achieve resource-efficient and compact growth; 3/ Facilitate employment creation and off-farm productivity for local subsistence and regional competitiveness. This policy framework fits into the 5-year cycles of economic development and transformation strategies.

• Senegal’s Support programmes for municipalities (“Programme d’Appui aux Communes”) identifies small and intermediary towns. It is implemented on a national scale through 450 city projects, with support from the French Development Agency (“Agence Française de Développement (AFD)”). The programme aims to: build capacity and the legal tools available, and develop city contracts, infrastructure, and investment.

• South Africa has been aiming to streamline the role of intermediary cities by implementing a differentiated approach to municipal financing, planning and support for these cities. The issue of categorisation, hence linked to their differentiated policy support, remain a challenge however with many attempts over the past two decades to focus not only on city size but also on function to categorise intermediary cities (South African Cities Network, 2014; AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016: 238).

Having a national urbanisation strategy is important for guiding development, but not enough on its own. A strategy must be effectively implemented, monitored and assessed. For proper implementation, a national urbanisation strategy needs to be integrated into the long-term national development strategy, decided and implemented coherently with the participation of local actors, including informal ones. It must be supported by adequate financing, monitored, evaluated and reformulated with regards to achieving the objectives of Agenda 2063 and to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 11 on sustainable cities and its related targets and indicators. Without an integrated and place-based approach, urbanisation strategies are carried out in silos. Uncoordinated sectoral policies lack the necessary synergies between national ministries responsible for different sectors, and between the different levels of government.

4.2

提高中阶城市的能力是实现“2063年议程” 和“可持续发展目标11”的关键

中阶城市实施这些战略取决于新的投资以及国家和地方政府公共政策的质量。更好的多层次治理改革可以赋予城市权力，加强其能力薄弱的环节，确保地方政府管理公共资源时公开透明。

如果没有充足的资源、能力、透明度和问责制度，国家城镇化战略就会难以实施。非洲城市的投资需求每年约为300亿美元，其中撒哈拉以南非洲地区为200亿美元（Paulais, 2012: 100），这些需求人均约为37美元。

事实上，大多数非洲城市的城市人均开支和收入 都非常低。在约20个非洲国家中，地方政府收入一般 占地方、地区和国家政府总收入的7%，地方支出占总 支出的比重为 8%。一方面，埃及、莫桑比克和多哥的 地方政府占政府总收入不足2%（Yatta, 2015: 14）。另一方面，卢旺达、南非和坦桑尼亚的地方政府占16% 以上（图11）。

在许多国家，地方政府严重依赖中央政府调拨。 国家调拨是必不可少的，因为中央政府可以调动地方政府无法触及的资源和能力。此外，中央政府可以根据地方的凝聚情况和国家发展目标优先调拨资金，而地方政府不太能做到这一点。各国政府可以将国家调拨作为实施其国家发展图景的重要工具。

然而，许多国家调拨都是有专门用途的，这意味着很难通过局部调整来适应当地情况。国家调拨一直被批评为限制了地方政府有效投资的能力，因为并非总是给当地利益相关者足够的所有权，也没有在空间 上取得进步，特别是对于中阶城市和偏远地区而言。图 12 表明，即使在像坦桑尼亚或乌干达这样权力下放的国家以及像尼日利亚这样的联邦国家，地方政府也只能从当地和共同税收中获取很少的资金。地方政府缺乏财务影响力意味着他们没有能力优化地区资产、 获得当地所有权或实施多部门和地方政策。

许多地方政府没有权力或没有能力增加自己的资源。对许多中阶城市如埃及的班哈、卢旺达的尼亚加塔雷和拉加夫来说，国家调拨构成了其85%以上的收 入。本地生产的资源过少，造成非洲城市的资金缺口 （UN-Habitat, 2015）。

多层面治理经过改革后必须增强目前过低的地方 税收能力。在中非和西非的七个国家，给地方政府纳 的税占当地家庭收入的0.7% ；而地方房地产税收接近于总财政收入的0%。当地征收率据估算不超过“本地产品总值”的0.6% ：当一个城市产生100美元地方税 时，其税收回报低于0.60美元（AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016）。在喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、摩洛哥和塞内加尔等国家， 中央政府通常以当地政府的名义征收地方财政收入。这意味着地方政府几乎没有税收回报，并且可能降低税收合法性。而南非是收入主要来自当地财政收入的少数几个国家之一（2007 年为 89%）。

很多时候没有关于地方税收的系统报告。在非洲2017年收入统计报告中，16个非洲国家中只有4个国家报告了地方税收收入。即便这样，地方收入仍然很低。2015年，亚中央政府收入占所有税收收入的百分 比分别为毛里求斯1%、斯威士兰1.4%、摩洛哥3.1%、 南非4.8%。在这些国家，财产税收入占税收总额超 过 80%，其余大部分来自商品税和服务税。许多国家 不对建筑物和土地所有权或经济活动征收任何地方税 （OECD/ATAF/AUC, 2017: 46）。

同样，当地税收收入的透明度较低，必须加以改善。 即使在同一个国家，城市报告也会有很大差异。例如在 喀麦隆，最高法院审计法庭交存的行政和公共账户的份额约占总数的10%（AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016: 254）

4.2

Increasing the capacity of intermediary cities is key to achieve Agenda 2063 and SDG-11

Implementing these strategies for intermediary cities will depend on new investment, and on the quality of public policies, by national as well as local governments. Greater multi-level governance reforms can empower cities, build their often weak capacity, and ensure transparency in the management of public resources by local governments.

National urbanisation strategies can hardly be implemented without sufficient resources, capacity, transparency, and accountability. African cities’ investment needs have been estimated at around USD 30 billion per year, of which USD 20 billion for sub-Saharan Africa (Paulais, 2012: 100). These needs amount to about USD 37 per capita.

In fact, cities’ expenses and receipts per inhabitant are very low in most African cities. In a panel of about 20 African countries, on average, the weight of local government revenue is 7% of the total revenue of the local, regional and national governments combined, and the weight of local expenditure is 8% of total expenditure. At one end of the scale, local governments in Egypt, Mozambique and Togo represent less than 2% of total government revenues (Yatta, 2015: 14). At the other end,local governments in Rwanda, South Africa and Tanzania represent more than 16% (Figure 11).

In many countries, local governments depend heavily on central government transfers. National transfers are essential because central governments can mobilise resources and capacity that are out of reach to local governments. Moreover, central governments can prioritise transfers according to territorial cohesion and national development objectives, which local governments are less able to do. National governments can use national transfers as an important tool to implement their national vision of development.

However, many national transfers are earmarked, which means they can hardly adapt to local situations by using local knowledge. National transfers have been criticised for limiting the ability of local governments to invest efficiently, for not always giving enough ownership to local stakeholders, and for not being spatially progressive, particularly for intermediary cities and remote regions. Figure 12 shows that local governments receive little from local and shared taxes, even in decentralised countries like Tanzania or Uganda and in federal countries like Nigeria. Local governments’ lack of financial clout means that they do not have the capacity to optimise regional assets, secure local ownership, or implement multi-sectoral and place-based policies.

Many local governments are not empowered or do not have the capacity to increase their own resources. For many intermediary cities, national transfers make up over 85% of their revenues – for instance in Banha, Egypt, or Nyagatare and Rubavu, Rwanda. Having too few locally generated resources contributes to African cities’ financing gap (UN-Habitat, 2015).

Multi-level governance reform must expand local taxation capacity, which remains now extremely low. In seven Central and West African countries, local governments taxed an estimated 0.7% of local households’ revenues; tax on local property is close to 0% of the total fiscal revenues. The local collection rate was estimated no more than 0.6% of the “gross local product”: when a city generates USD 100 in local taxes, its return is less than USD 0.60 (AfDB/OECD/UNDP 2016). In countries such as Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Morocco and Senegal, the central government usually collects local revenues on the local government’s behalf. This implies that local governments see little return on tax collection, and may decrease tax legitimacy. South Africa is one of a few countries where local revenues come mainly from their own collection (89% in 2007).

In many instances, systematic reporting on local taxation does not exist. Out of sixteen African countries in the Revenue Statistics for Africa 2017 report, only four countries reported sub-national tax revenues. In all cases, they remain low. In 2015, sub-central government revenues as a percentage of all tax revenues were 1% in Mauritius, 1.4% in Swaziland, 3.1% in Morocco and 4.8% in South Africa. In these countries, revenues from property taxes represent more than 80% of the total tax revenue. Most of the remainder derives from taxes on goods and services. Many countries do not levy any local taxes on buildings and landholdings, or on economic activities (OECD/ATAF/AUC, 2017: 46).

Similarly, transparency in the collection of local revenues is usually low and must be improved. Reporting can vary a lot between cities, even in the same country. For instance in Cameroon, the share of administrative and public accounts deposited before the Audit Bench of the Supreme Court is about 10% of the total (AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016: 254).

4.3

有效的多层面治理是中阶城市发展在当地解决的关键

激活当地资源是发展非洲地区并加强中阶城市作为城市系统中主要城市和农村地区纽带的关键。政策会从三个主要方向进行助推 ：下载、上传和交叉加载。

• 下载：自上而下的政策可以将投资和产能从 国家层面调动到地方层面，其规模要远远大于地方 政府可以调集的范围。国家政策也对国家发展目标 有更全面的看法，以及在不破坏区域凝聚的情况下 如何实现这些目标。

• 上传：因为地方政府对自身环境更了解，所 以他们必须有充分的发挥空间，在当地推行有利方 案并促使其全面开展。如果有成效，各国政府可以 推广成功方案，并使其适用于其他地区。

• 交叉加载 ：不同政府机构之间的多部门方法 可以克服不与其他部门协调实施的单一部门政策造 成的孤岛影响。贯穿各部门的地方政策也意味着不 同层次的政府必须互动、协调、监督和评估彼此的 行动，并对其进行修正以确保长期目标的实现。

没有一个有效的多层次治理体系来确保地方政府的自治、责任和透明度，就不可能实现区域发展。 不过，平衡的多层次治理会根据具体情况而定，并取决于每个国家的政治经济特征。

国家城市和区域发展战略必须有明确的多层次的治理安排。这种多层次治理安排可以以具体的中阶城市为目标。一个根本问题是，非洲那些政府能力弱的国家往往其地方政府机构也更弱。因而，在中短期内努力提高城市规划能力，报导和透明度至关重要。

这些功能必须与当地建设环境的管理人员进行交流。这突出了立法协调论坛的重要性。“ 南非的政府间关系框架法案（2005 年 IGR法案第13 号）给出了一个这样的例子。该法规定了各级政府需要就所有政府间相关事项进行定期和系统的政策讨论。 它概述了解决政府间争端的机制以及跨国战略举措 的合作机制。在南非的每个省份，政府参与者都可以确定政府间论坛的范围和重点。这创造了一种针对具体情况进行对话的机制，能够在具备国家性视角的情况下协调与共同努力。领导人还要召开他自己的国家，省和大都市的政治论坛。

任何有效的政府间的系统设计都必须允许当地 大多数城市居民在没有国家实际规定的情况下有效地建设自己的社区、城镇和城市。随着时间的推移， 城市管理会演变为国家“自上而下”的政策议程与公民“自下而上”的努力的结合（AfDB/OECD/ UNDP, 2016: 251）。

像大都市当局这样的专有机构可以使中阶城市、周边市镇和城市周边地区的政府进行跨职能部门的共同合作，实现更有效的大都市交通或水治理。这有 时被解释为“第四级治理”， 或者是指国家和地方两 大城市地区的共同治理体系，有时也包括位于大都市 区的中阶城市。它可以采用专有的治理机制来制定超 出城市行政边界部分的政策。该政策通常用于主要城 市和附近城市之间，也适用于中阶城市及其周边地区。

最近已经实施了几项举措 ：

• 科特迪瓦城市事务部在2016年扩大了阿比让大区，现在该大区包括19个城市 ；

• 在加纳，大阿克拉地区包括了周边城市，如工业中心和港口城市特马、阿希亚曼、阿登达和卡萨奥；

• 在摩洛哥，大卡萨布兰卡地区包括卡萨布兰卡周边的几座城市。这样有助于发展交通网络，如连接卡萨布兰卡和首都拉巴特的火车线路，以及卡萨布兰卡和拉巴特的电车线路。2013年卡萨布兰卡线每天运送约10万名乘客 ；

• 多哥于 2016 年启动了“大洛美计划”， 以解决超越首都管理区边界的治理问题。

• 南非的豪登省政府是另一个行之有效的例子 ：由总理领导的政府核心带领该地区协调约翰内斯堡周边的城市地区（如比勒陀利亚、米德兰）共同合作开展豪登高速铁路连线、Dinokeng旅游区或城市深度物流中心（Ronderos, 2017）等项目。

4.3

Effective multi-level governance is key for developing local solutions in intermediary cities

Activating local resources is key to develop African regions and strengthen the role of intermediary cities as nodes between primary cities and rural areas in the urban system. Policies may push in three main directions:downloading, uploading, and cross-loading.

• Downloading: Top-down policies can mobilise investment and capacity from the national to the local level on a much larger scale than local governments could muster. National policies also have a more holistic view of national objectives for development and how those objectives can be achieved without undermining regional cohesion.

• Uploading: Because they have a better knowledge of their environment, local governments must benefit from sufficient room of manoeuvre for experimenting with local initiatives and allow them to flourish. When successful, national governments can even help scaling up successful local initiatives, and adapt them to other regions.

• Cross-loading: Multi-sectoral approaches between different governments agencies can overcome silo effects created through sectoral policies implemented by a single ministry without co-ordination with others. Working through place-based policies across sectors also implies that different levels of government must interact, co-ordinate, monitor and evaluate their actions, and re-adjust them to ensure long-term objectives are met.

Regional development can hardly happen without an effective multilevel governance system that ensures a degree of autonomy, responsibility and transparency for local governments. Balanced multi-level governance will however be context-specific and depend on the political economy characteristic of each country.

National urban and regional development strategies must have explicit multilevel governance arrangements. Specific intermediary cities can be the target of such multilevel governance arrangements. An underlying dilemma is that those African countries with a weak national government capacity tend to have even weaker local government institutions. Efforts to improve their urban planning capacity, reporting and transparency are essential in the short to medium term.

Such functions must speak to the local management of the built environment. This highlights the importance of legislated co-ordination forums. “South Africa’s Inter-governmental Relations Framework Act (IGR Act no. 13 of 2005) provides one such example. The Act provides for regular and systemic policy discussions between different levels of government on all matters of intergovernmental concern. It outlines mechanisms for settling intergovernmental disputes and for collaboration on strategic initiatives that span domestic boundaries. In each province of South Africa, the involved government actors can determine the scope and focus of the inter-governmental forum. This creates a mechanism for context-specific dialogue, co-ordination and joint effort without losing the national perspective. The president also convenes his own national, provincial and metropolitan political forum.

Any effective intergovernmental system must be designed to allow local empowerment of the majority of urban dwellers who are effectively building their own communities, towns and cities in the absence of effective state provision where it happens. Over time, urban management has to evolve to stitch together the “top-down” policy agenda of the state and the “bottom-up” efforts of the citizens”

(AfDB/OECD/UNDP, 2016: 251).

Dedicated structures such as metropolitan authorities can enable the governments of intermediary cities, surrounding communes and peri-urban areas to work together across functional areas for better metropolitan transport or water governance. This is sometimes understood as “fourth level of governance” or a shared governance system in larger metropolitan urban areas between the national and local levels, sometimes including intermediary cities that are located in the metropolitan area. It can adopt dedicated governance mechanisms to develop policies beyond a city’s administrative boundaries. It has been usually developed between primary cities and the nearby cities, but could also be adapted to intermediary cities and the surrounding areas.

Several initiatives have been created recently:

• Côte d’Ivoire’s ministry of urbanism has extended the Grand Abidjan area in 2016, which now includes 19 municipalities;

• in Ghana, the Greater Accra Region includes peripheral municipalities such as the industrial hub and port city of Tema, Ashiaman, Adenta and Kasoa;

• in Morocco, the “Greater Casablanca” region includes several cities in Casablanca’s periphery. It has been instrumental in developing transport networks such as the train line connecting Casablanca and the capital Rabat, and tram lines in Casablanca and Rabat. The Casablanca line carried about 100 000 passengers a day in 2013;

• Togo launched in 2016 the “Grand Lomé plan” to tackle governance issues that span beyond the admnisitrative boundaries of the capital city.

• South Africa’s Gauteng Provincial Government is another wellestablished example: the region, led by a Government headed by a Prime Minister, coordinates the urban areas around Johannesburg (e.g. Pretoria, Midrand) to work together on projects such as the Gautrain Rapid Rail Link, the Dinokeng Tourism Area or the City Deep Logistics Hub (Ronderos, 2017).

05

结论

大多数非洲国家的城镇化进程非常迅速，但是工业化速度仍然缓慢。缓慢的经济转型下的快速城镇化对提供就业、减轻贫困和增强社会包容性构成巨大挑战。尽管工业化进程缓慢，但许多国家仍经历着高度的、新的环境风险，例如空气重度污染。这些问题在城市中非常严重，也通过诸如返乡移民对农村地区产生了强大的外部效应。发展与环境面临的共同挑战是前所未有的，并需要采取新方法来避免不可持续的城镇化成本。必须进行政策创新以避免过去的错误， 而新的国家城镇化战略可以帮助制定新的政策。

从《2016 年非洲经济展望》中可以看出，按类型将 55 个非洲国家分为五类国家群有助于更好地把握这些国家的多样性。这些集群揭示了不同的经济结构和全球的经济关系、城镇化水平、人口状况、中阶城市的增长关系和提高中阶城市在结构转型中的政策作用方面的影响。这些情况使得政策必须适应并应对每个国家面临的具体机遇和挑战。例如，5个多元化国家（包括北非国家和南非）可以在其国家城镇化战略中统筹工业政策，特别是通过中阶城市集群来整合全球价值链。相反，9个农业国家则需要通过投资中阶城市，提供基础设施和其他公共产品以便与周边城市经济相联系，来为即将到来的城市和人口转变做更周全 的准备。

尽管存在多样性，所有国家仍必须管理好中阶城市的可持续发展，以实现可持续发展目标。中阶城市的快速增长可为改善农村生活和加强城乡联系带来巨大机 遇。然而，这些城市也缺乏应对城市快速发展的资源和 能力。要确保这些要求能够符合多层次管理，才能提高 地方政府的能力。但是，现有的多层次治理机制并不能 确保足够的透明度，而地方政府则应承担更多的责任。有效的多层次管理是伴随着资源、能力建设、责任和透明度的。它会使中阶城市履行其职能，特别是经济和社会职能。在非洲实现这一议程是实现可持续发展目标的重要一步。

05

Conclusion

Most African countries are urbanising very rapidly. However, industrialisation remains slow. Fast urbanisation with slow economic transformation poses great challenges for job creation, poverty reduction and social inclusion. Despite slow industrialisation, many countries experience high and new environmental risks such as high levels of air pollution. These challenges are acute in cities, but they also have strong spill-over effects into rural areas, for instance through return migration. This conjunction of developmental and environmental challenges is unprecedented and calls for new approaches to avoid the costs of unsustainable urbanisation. Policies must innovate to avoid past mistakes. New national urbanisation strategies can help foster new policies.

Drawn from the African Economic Outlook 2016, the typology of five groups of countries helps better understand the diversity of the 55 African countries. These clusters reveal different economic structures and relations with the global economy, urbanisation levels, demographic profiles, and growth of intermediary cities and policy implications to increase the role of intermediary cities in structural transformation. These conditions influence how policies must adapt and respond to the specific opportunities and challenges each country faces. For instance, the five diversifier countries (including North African countries and South Africa) can co-ordinate industrial policies in their national urbanisation strategies, notably by using intermediary cities as clusters to integrate Global Value Chains. In contrast, the nine agrarian countries need to better prepare the coming urban and demographic transition by investing in intermediary cities and making sure they are connected to surrounding urban economies through the provision of infrastructure and other public goods.

Despite their diversity, all countries will have to manage the growth of sustainable intermediary cities to achieve the SDGs. The rapid growth of intermediary cities can bring great opportunities for improving livelihoods in rural areas and for strengthening rural-urban linkages. However, these cities also lack the resources and capacity to cope with rapid urban growth. Ensuring those requires adapting multi-level governance to increase the capacity of local governments. However, the existing multi-level governance mechanisms do not always ensure the required transparency that comes with more responsibility of local governments. Effective multi-level governance comes with resources, capacity building, responsibility, and transparency. It will enable intermediary cities to perform their many functions, particularly economic and social ones. Fulfilling this agenda in Africa will be an important step towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals.

本文内容不代表经合组织及其成员国意见。文中表达的观点和所采用的论据都是作者的观点。感谢阮唐、塞姆 哈·艾莱先生和罗德里戈 ·德亚纳的有益评论。

The content of this article does not necessarily represent the views of the OECD or of its member countries. The opinions expressed and arguments employed are those of the author. The author is grateful to Thang Nguyen,Semhar Haile and Rodrigo Deiana for their helpful comments.

参考文献

[1] AfDB/OECD/UNDP. African economic outlook 2017: entrepreneurship and industrialisation[R]. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/aeo-2017-en.

[2] AfDB/OECD/UNDP. African economic outlook 2016: sustainable cities and structural transformation[R]. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/aeo-2016-en.

[3] AfDB/OECD/UNDP. African economic outlook 2015: regional development and spatial inclusion[R]. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/aeo-2015-en.

[4] AGERGAARD J N F, GOUGH K, eds. Rural-urban dynamics: livelihoods, mobility and markets in African and Asian frontiers[M]. Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge,2010.

[5] ALKIRE S, ROBLES G. Multidimensional poverty index 2015: brief methodological note and results[R]. Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative, 2015.

[6] ANGEL S, PARENT J, CIVCO D, et al. A planet of cities: urban land cover estimates and projections for all countries, 2000-2050[C]. Lincoln Institute of Land and Policy Working Papers, No.10SA3, 2010.

[7] BARRETT C T R, WEBB P. Nonfarm income diversification and household livelihood strategies in rural Africa: concepts, dynamics, and policy implications[J]. Food Policy, 2011, 26(4): 315-331.

[8] BERDEGUE J, PROCTOR F. Inclusive rural-urban linkages[C]. Development with Territorial Cohesion, Territorial Cohesion for Development Program, Rimisp, Santiago, Chile, 2014.

[9] CGLUA. Etat des finances locales en Afrique. Cites et Gouvernements Locaux Unis d’Afrique (CGLUA), Rabat, Morocco, 2014.

[10] CHRISTIAENSEN L, DE WEERDT J. Urbanization and poverty reduction: the role of rural diversification and secondary towns[C]. World Bank, 2013. http://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/pdf/10.1596/1813-9450-6422.

[11] DOROSH P, WANG H G, You L, et al. Road connectivity, population and crop production in sub-Saharan Africa[J].Agricultural Economics, 2012 , 43(1): 89-103.

[12] KREMER M. Population growth and technological change: one million B.C. to 1990[J]. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1993, 108(3): 681-716.

[13] FAO. Growing greener cities in Africa: first status report on urban and peri-urban horticulture in Africa[R]. Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, Rome, 2012.

[14] Gallup World Poll. Gallup World Poll (database)[DB/OL].(2015)[2016-02]. www. gallup.com/services/170945/world-poll.aspx.

[15] GRAUMANN J. Orders of magnitude of the world’s urban and rural population in history[R]. Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations, 1977. http://esa.un.org/unpd/wup/Archive/Files/ studies/United%20Nations%20%281977%29%20-%20Orders%20of%20 magnitude%20of%20the%20world’s%20urban%20population%20in%20 history.PDF .

[16] HAGGBLADE S, HAZELL P B R, REARDON T. Transforming the rural nonfarm economy: opportunities and threats in the developing world[R]. International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Washington, DC, 2009.

[17] HOHMANN R P, ROBERTS B. The Systems of Secondary Cities – the neglected drivers of urbanising economies[R]. CIVIS, No. 7, 2014. http://documents. worldbank.org/curated/en/400881468181444474/pdf/898610BRI0CIVI00Box 385295B00PUBLIC0.pdf.

[18] HOQUE S. Ethiopia’s economic transformation and job creation: the role of hawassa industrial park[EB/OL]. (2017)[2018-05]. https://set.odi.org/soniahoque-odi-ethiopias-economic-transformation-job-creation-role-hawassa-industrialpark/.

[19] ILO. Decent work and the informal economy[C]. International Labour Conference 90th session, International Labour Organization, 2002.

[20] IMF (2014), Government Finance Statistics (database)[DB/OL]. (2014) [2015-03-12]. International Monetary Fund, http://elibrarydata.imf.org/ FindDataReports.aspx?d=33061&e=170809.

[21] KESSIDES C. The urban transition in sub-saharan Africa: implications for economic growth and poverty reduction[C]. Transport and Urban Development Department, Working Paper Series, No. 97, World Bank, 2005. www.worldbank.org/afr/wps/wp97.pdf.

[22] LAMSON-HALL P, DEGROOT D, TAFESSE T, et al. A New Plan for African Cities: The Ethiopia Urban Expansion Initiative[EB/OL]. (2015) [2018-05-22]. NYU Stern Urbanization Project, Marron Institute of Urban Management, New York University. https://marroninstitute.nyu.edu/ uploads/content/A_New_Plan_for_African_Cities_Oct_19_2015.pdf.

[23] OECD/ATAF/AUC. Revenue statistics in Africa[R]. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264253308-en-fr.

[24] OECD/ATAF/AUC. Revenue statistics in Africa[R]. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264280854-en-fr .

[25] OECD. Settlement, market and food security, West African studies[R]. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264187443-en.

[26] OWUSU V A. ABDUL-RAHMAN S. Non-farm work and food security among farm households in Northern Ghana[J]. Food Policy, 2011, 36(2): 108-118.

[27] PAULAIS T. Financing Africa’s cities: the imperative of local investment[C]. Africa Development Forum Series, World Bank and Agence Française de Développement, Washington, DC, 2012.

[28] RAKOTOARISOA M A, LAFRATE M, PASCHALI M. Why has Africa become a net food importer: explaining Africa agricultural and food trade deficits[R]. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome, 2011.

[29] REARDON T. The emerging ‘quiet revolution’ in African agrifood systems[C]. Harnessing Innovation for African Agriculture and Food Systems: Meeting Challenges and Designing for the 21st Century, Addis Ababa, 2013.

[30] RODRIK D. Premature deindustrialization[J]. Journal of Economic Growth, 2016, 21(1): 1-33. http://doi.org/10.1007/s10887-015-9122-3.

[31] RONDEROS N. A 4th level of government in Africa? multi-level governance and metropolitan urbanisation[EB/OL]. Development matters blog series, 2017. https://oecd-development-matters.org/2016/10/25/a-4th-level-ofgovernment-in-africa-multi-level-governance-and-metropolitan-urbanisation/.

[32] ROY R. The cost of air pollution in Africa[C]. OECD Development Centre Working Papers, No. 333, OECD Publishing, Paris, 2016. http://dx.doi. org/10.1787/5jlqzq77x6f8-en.

[33] SONG L. Southeast Asian secondary cities: frontiers of opportunity and challenges[R]. Community Innovators Lab, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013.

[34] South African cities network (SACN). Outside the core: towards an understanding of intermediate citis in South Africa[R]. Johannesbourg, 2014. http://www.sacities.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/2nd-ReportSACN-Secondary-Cities-Report_web.pdf.

[35] UCLG. Local government finance: the challenges of the 21st century[R]. Second Global Report on Decentralization and Local Democracy (GOLD II), United Cities and Local Governments, Barcelona, 2010. www. citieslocalgovernments.org/gold/Upload/gold_report_2/2010%20 EXECUTIVE%20SUMMARY%20baixa.pdf.

[36] UN DESA. World urbanization prospects (database)[DB/OL]. (2018). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, http://esa. un.org/unpd/wup.

[37] UN DESA. World population prospects (database)[DB/OL]. (2015). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, http://esa.un.org/ unpd/wpp.

[38] UN DESA, World urbanization prospects (database)[DB/OL]. (2014). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, http://esa. un.org/unpd/wup.

[39] UN-Habitat. Slum almanac: tracking improvements in the lives of slum dwellers[EB/OL]. (2015/16). https://unhabitat.org/wp-content/ uploads/2016/02-old/Slum%20Almanac%202015-2016_EN.pdf

[40] UN-Habitat. UN-Habitat Governing Council Presentation on Achieving Sustainable Urban Development Programme[C]. Habitat III Conference on Urbanization, Nairobi, Kenya, 17 April, 2015.

[41] UN-Habitat. State of African cities 2014: reinventing the urban transition[R]. Nairobi, 2014.

[42] UN-Habitat. State of the world’s cities 2008/2009, harmonious cities[R]. State of the World’s Cities report, 2008. http://doi. org/10.1142/9789814280730.

[43] UN-Habitat. Analytical perspective of pro-poor slum upgrading frameworks[R]. Nairobi, 2006.

[44] YATTA F P. La décentralisation en Afrique : peut-elle aider les pays africains à mieux gérer leurs inégalités spatiales et territoriales?[R]. Paris: OECD Development Centre Think Piece, OECD Publishing, 2015.

[45] YATTA F P. Villes et Développement Économique en Afrique: une approche par les Comptes Économiques Locaux, Collection Villes, éditions Economica, Paris, 2006.

[46] World Bank. PovcalNet (database)[DB/OL]. (2017b).[2018-04-20]. http:// iresearch.worldbank.org/PovcalNet/povOnDemand.aspx.

[47] World Bank. World development indicators (database)[DB/OL]. (2015) [2015-02]. http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/world-developmentindicators.

[48] World Bank. Cost of pollution in China: economic estimates of physical damages[R]. World Bank,Washington, DC, 2007. [49] ZHENG S, KAHN M E. Understanding China’s urban pollution dynamics[J]. Journal of Economic Literature, 2013, 51(3): 731-772.